Academic Inputs & Outputs of European Integration
by
Vassilis Pesmazoglou
The
present text comes partly as a response to the contribution
of G. Kokkinos on European Studies and seeks to broaden
and diversify the discussion on the issue. Regarding specific
points raised by Kokkinos on the dominance, within a semi-hierarchical
multicultural framework, of the "northwest European" cultural
pattern, it seems to me that this is only too natural given
that: a) it is from these northwest European countries that
the whole venture of European integration was initiated
and proved to be, at least up to now, a success story; b)
in any case, and from a longer perspective going back not
only decades but even centuries, the terms of the debate
on economy and society for both "Northwestern" and peripheral
European nations were set in the former and were imported,
so to speak, into the latter (this applies to liberal, radical,
marxist and even, recently, so-called neoliberal ideas);
c) in the post-war era, peripheral European countries, both
South and East, were plagued by a combination of lagging
socio-economic development and authoritarian political systems
which made large sections of the population look in the
direction of the EC (i.e. Northwest Europe) as a model to
be adopted for the improvement of their lot. These considerations
go a long way to explaining the almost natural way through
which the dominance Kokkinos refers to has been established.
This being said, let me diversify the discussion on the
academic impact of European integration.
The
last decades have witnessed a proliferation of academic
activities in the field of European Studies, including teaching,
research, and publications. This new phenomenon can be seen
as a result of two independent developments which have coincided:
a. the progress of European integration since the late 1950s
and b. the tremendous increase in the number of Universities,
students, staff and social science curricula, which has
taken place more or less in the same period. European Studies
is itself a product of history: given the fact that four
decades have elapsed since the signing of the Treaty of
Rome, we now have enough material to analyse this sui generis
interaction between European integration and "its" academic
community.
It
seems useful, from the outset, to make a distinction between
two different, albeit interrelated, aspects: a) the study
of European integration per se and b) European Studies in
general. As opposed to G. Kokkinos' contribution to this
journal, the present text will concentrate chiefly on the
former aspect.
Over
the last decades, the study of the European Community (EC)
or Union (EU) has gradually permeated such fields as, for
instance, economics, political sciences, legal studies and
international relations. Given the complexity and diversity
of European integration, this has led to an interdisciplinary
approach, which brings together and combines - albeit with
different dosages and emphases - these various academic
fields. In other words, we have a historical phenomenon
which, because of its importance and uniqueness, gradually
becomes an area of study, and furthermore, from a certain
point onwards, fosters this study. Indicatively, in the
period 1990-1997 the EC/EU has financed, through the Jean
Monnet Program alone, more than 1,500 European courses,
modules, chairs or research projects in the 15 member states.
The academic fields involved have been law (493), economics
(420), political sciences (310), and history (130), the
remaining few being multidisciplinary projects. This is,
of course, only part of the story and corresponds to the
most conspicuous aspect of the tremendous push, by the Brussels
quasi-statal authorities, to promote research and teaching
in this new field of "Eurology". There are also other projects
and means through which the academic interest in European
integration has been facilitated and furthered by the Brussels
authorities. Indicatively enough, the EC/EU Commission has
itself started compiling information on European research
and courses. According to the 1996 "Nouvelles Universitaires
Européennes" and its supplement, there are about 150 post-graduate
European Studies degrees offered in EU member states' universities.
Furthermore, the "Euristote" database, produced by the Catholic
University of Louvain at the request of the EC Commission,
contains more than 15,000 research projects and names approximately
6,000 professors and researchers on European integration
in 420 universities throughout the world. Their work concerns
primarily the fields of law, economics, political science
and history, but also sociology, geography, agronomy, demography
and environmental sciences. Finally, whereas in the early
1960s there were less than half a dozen academic journals
specialising in European Studies - e.g. the Journal of
Common Market Studies (UK), Common Market Law Review
(NL), Revue du Marché Commun (F) - over the last
decades there has been a proliferation of such publications
.
Even
if there had been no material and moral support from the
Brussels authorities, the academic community would surely
have pursued "Eurological" activities, on the one hand because
of the interesting and challenging questions the EC/EU provides
and, on the other, because of the creation of a particular
"niche" in the labour market: i.e. the increased demand,
both in the Brussels and in the national or even regional
administrations, but also by firms, professional organisations,
pressure groups and mass media, for specialists in what
the EC/EU is all about. Studying Europe has, at some point,
provided interesting and lucrative job prospects, but nowadays,
the proliferation of such degrees and graduates seems to
have put an end to this bonanza.
The
above constitute a so-to-speak direct academic offspring
of European integration. European Studies at large, in the
sense of a broad, multicultural non-nation-state-centered
approach to the society and history of various countries
(or European "regions") is a different, although related,
development. It may be labelled an indirect academic result
of European integration, in the sense that it has partly
emerged out of an ideological need to construct a common
European identity, pretty much along the lines of the construction,
in the 18th and especially the 19th century, of modern national
identities. The Brussels authorities have surely contributed
to it in various ways. A small part of the aforementioned
J. Monnet actions (in particular the ones linked with history
departments) can be considered conducive to a "European"
historical perspective and to a common "European" prism
through which to see events such as the two World Wars which,
in retrospect, may well end up being labelled as "Civil"
wars - assimilating themselves to the American model. This
indirect spill-over effect of European integration is much
less "focused" and practical (in the sense of providing
specific job prospects) and functions more in the realm
of culture/ideology. As opposed to "Eurology", which has
resulted in a quite uniform academic community throughout
Europe (and even the US), as manifested by the various branches
of the ECSA (European Community Study Association), European
Studies in this latter sense varies considerably from one
country to another. It seems to prevail particularly in
the Anglosaxon academic world but is much less developed
in continental Europe and almost totally absent in peripheral
countries such as Greece.
The
above typology seems to be a fair account of the academic
results or "outputs" of European integration to the present
day. Such fields of study would have been unthinkable forty
years ago, either simly because the research object was
just absent (there was no EEC-EC-EU) or because this specific
"European" way of seeing was rather irrelevant and marginal
to academic policy-makers. As regards the other part of
the equation, the obvious question which arises is: to what
extent and in what ways has the academic community affected
the process of constructing Europe? This is, expectedly,
a vast and intricate question. But given its importance,
I will try to provide some tentative lines of response.
As
far as European Studies are concerned, their scope and nature
is such that the only thing we could say is that, in the
long run, by contributing to a broader knowledge and understanding
of various European identities, by molding mentalities,
they may well be a small reinforcing factor of the "deepening"
of European integration. But this is bound to depend largely
on the dissemination of such ideas to the society at large,
i.e. to the linkages of this subset of academia with the
media. This familiarisation process need not be synchronised
with developments such as the enlargement of the EU to Central-Eastern
Europe, or the creation of a common currency. The relative
motions and inertias of the various levels (economic, political,
institutional) are by no means the same with biological
time and changes in mentality from one generation to the
next. And, of course, there are many counteractive forces
at work; for instance, at present, the acute social problems
in Europe are conducive to a certain Europhobia which is
a concrete, understandable and politically exploitable manifestation
of a general fear of change, of insecurity and xenophobia.
As
regards the effect of the strictu sensu studies of
European integration on major policies and develoments of
the EC/EU, they seem to have been rather marginal. Although
there has been a certain physical proximity, in the sense
of academics recycling themselves in the Brussels machinery
and officials maintaining links with academic institutions,
it is fair to say that the major initiatives and changes,
the so-to-speak "deepening and widening" of the EC/EU have
been politically motivated and determined. It was not the
economic literature on the welfare effects of free trade
and on customs unions which provided the impetus for the
Treaty of Rome or the Single Market project; furthermore,
as regards the Maastricht Treaty, the economic theory on
"optimal currency areas" has been of little positive predictive
value on the future effects of the "euro". The whole process
of European integration has been primarely politically determined,
with major economic actors - such as the European Round
Table of Industrialists - also participating in the decision-making
process, with small and medium lobbyists having some say,
and with the specialised academic community following closely
in the quest for new research material - or even terminology
(e.g, the key word "cohesion", coined within the Brussels
bureaucracy, has made its way into academic writings). At
some points in time, academia was called upon ex post to
provide an analysis/legitimation of major decisions which
had already been taken. A characteristic case is the voluminous
Cecchini report on the "Costs of Non-Europe" which attempted
to analyse and quantify the economic benefits of the single
market venture "1992". Finally, even major theoretical academic
debates on European integration have by no means been politically
neutral; for example, intergovernmentalists adopt a "realist"
approach and consider European integration as a series of
successive bargains between nation states, whereas neo-institutionalists
emphasize the supranational nature of the Brussels quasi-statal
edifice. Behind these two academic schools of thought one
can easily discern divergent ideological-political patterns
of what the EC/EU not only was or is , but ought to be/become.
Which
leads us to a more general remark. The study of European
integration is in a way a specific branch of social sciences
in general. "Eurologists" affect European developments pretty
much to the same extent that academic economists, sociologists
or political scientists contribute to the solution of economic,
social or political problems, i.e. only marginally. Futhermore,
this area of study exhibits certain interesting particularities/specificities:
a large part of Eurological production thrives in the "grey
area" between academia and journalism, simply because its
novelty reflects more the new developments in the EC/EU
than a new approach. On the other hand, partly as a reaction
to this "journalistic" aspect, there has been some highy
mathematical modelling of the European integration process
with dubious practical political significance. However,
a new and potentially rewarding research area could be a
historical examination of how, over the last decades, "Europe"
has entered the media vocabulary, has infiltrated company
archives, and has increasingly permeated political discourse.
Such research may also include the gradual constuction of
the discipline of European Studies itself. One would expect
that the thematic shifts have reflected, occasionally with
interesting time lags, the change in the EC/EU itself from
just a customs union in the late 1960s, where trade liberalisation
issues dominated, to something more, leading in the late
1980s to "cohesion" matters and, in the late 1990s, to monetary
inegration issues. Such study may also focus on the Euroeschatology
which, at various points in time, has developed chiefly
in the mass media but also in academic circles, on matters
such as "1992" and, nowadays the single currency: as if
European integration, in its constant need for momentum
and fear of stagnation - exemplified by the "bicycle paradigm"
- has always needed some kind of quasi-apocalyptic deadlines.
In
conclusion, I hope that the above points will contribute
to the debate on the nature of European Studies, in its
various manifestations, and that they might constitute a
"meta-eurological" research agenda: a historical and epistemological
approach to this academic field can both enrich it and contribute
to its better self-knowledge.
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